Six Years After #EndSARS: What Has Changed About Policing in Nigeria?
Six years after thousands of Nigerians took to the streets demanding an end to police brutality, one question remains central to the debate about policing in the country: how much has changed in the way the police treat the people they are expected to protect?
The protests of October 2020 forced the country to confront years of complaints about extortion, unlawful arrests, torture, profiling and extrajudicial killings associated particularly with the now-disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad, popularly known as SARS.
The demonstrations also exposed a wider problem of public trust. For many protesters, the issue was not simply whether SARS should continue to exist, but whether the police could become an institution in which citizens felt safe seeking protection, reporting crimes and exercising their rights.
Six years later, Nigeria has seen changes in policing laws and regulations, new official commitments, compensation for some victims and renewed discussions about how police services should be organised.
However, human rights organisations continue to document allegations of abuse, while police reform advocates argue that implementation and accountability remain major challenges.
The picture is therefore neither one of complete inaction nor one of a policing system demonstrably transformed in every respect. It is a story of institutional changes whose practical impact remains uneven and whose success must be judged by evidence.
The Promise of #EndSARS
The immediate demands of the #EndSARS protests were clear: disband SARS, release detained protesters, compensate victims of police brutality, prosecute officers accused of wrongdoing and reform the police.
The protests intensified after a video circulated on October 3, 2020, showing SARS operatives allegedly shooting a young man in Ughelli, Delta State, and leaving with his vehicle. Public anger grew rapidly, and demonstrations spread to cities across the country.
The Federal Government announced the disbandment of SARS on October 11, 2020. A new Special Weapons and Tactics team, popularly called SWAT, was announced as its replacement.
But protesters argued that replacing one unit would not be sufficient if the institutional practices they opposed were allowed to continue elsewhere.
Their concerns reflected a longer history. Amnesty International had documented allegations of police abuses before 2020, while previous attempts to reform SARS had failed to convince many Nigerians that the problem had been resolved.
The protests consequently became a demand for structural change: a police service accountable under the law, respectful of human rights and capable of protecting citizens without intimidation.
The Lekki Toll Gate shooting on October 20 and other violent encounters during the protests deepened that demand. The response to the demonstrations itself became part of the debate about how Nigeria’s security institutions exercised their powers.
A New Name Was Only the Beginning
The disbandment of SARS was an important institutional decision, but it was not a complete solution to the problems that had fuelled the protests.
Police reform involves more than renaming a unit or announcing a new operational structure. It requires clear rules governing arrests, detention and the use of force; effective systems for reporting misconduct; impartial investigations; disciplinary consequences; and courts capable of determining criminal responsibility where evidence supports prosecution.
It also requires changes in the relationship between officers and the public.
A police officer who stops a motorist should be expected to explain the lawful basis for the intervention. A person taken into custody should be treated in accordance with the law. A complaint against an officer should be recorded, investigated and resolved through a process that does not depend on the officer’s rank or connections.
These are practical tests of reform because they shape people’s daily experiences with the police.
A formal announcement that SARS has been disbanded cannot, by itself, answer whether unlawful stops have reduced, whether people are less likely to be extorted or whether complaints of assault are investigated more effectively.
Those questions require reliable statistics, independent monitoring, disciplinary records and accounts from people who interact with the police.
Without such evidence, the public cannot easily distinguish between changes in policy and changes in practice.
What Has Changed in the Law?
Nigeria’s legal framework provides a foundation for police reform.
The Nigeria Police Act 2020, which was enacted before the October 2020 protests, established provisions governing police duties, professional conduct, complaints and community policing. It places responsibilities on the police to protect fundamental rights and provides for a Police Complaints Response Unit.
The Act is important because it provides a legal basis for accountable policing. However, having a legal framework does not automatically guarantee effective implementation. The existence of a complaints mechanism, for example, does not establish how accessible it is to the public, how promptly complaints are investigated or how often investigations result in meaningful action.
More recently, the Federal Government introduced amended Nigeria Police Regulations designed to operationalise the Police Act.
According to the Ministry of Police Affairs, the regulations were signed in November 2025, published in February 2026 and formally launched in April 2026. The government said the framework provides clearer guidance on command structures, disciplinary and oversight mechanisms, recruitment, career progression, human rights and gender-responsive policing.
This is a development worth noting six years after #EndSARS. Clear operational rules can help standardise police conduct and define the responsibilities of officers and commanders.
However, the regulations’ existence is not proof that every police formation has fully implemented them or that misconduct has declined as a result.
The important questions now concern enforcement. Have officers received the necessary training? Are disciplinary procedures being applied consistently? Are complaints independently reviewed? Are the outcomes of investigations made public where appropriate? Can citizens obtain redress without unnecessary delay?
The answers will help establish whether the regulations are changing what happens on the streets, in police stations and in detention facilities.
Police Accountability: The Gap Between Policy and Practice
CLEEN Foundation, a Nigerian civil society organisation that works on security and justice issues, assessed the effects of #EndSARS on police reform in October 2025.
Its assessment acknowledged progress in areas including training, community engagement and policy development. However, it also identified inadequate funding, weak oversight, limited transparency in disciplinary processes and poor police welfare as continuing challenges.
The organisation called for the effective operation of the Police Public Complaints Response Unit, stronger independent oversight by the Police Service Commission and fuller implementation of the Police Act and the revised Police Regulations.
The assessment highlights a central issue: reforms must produce results that can be independently examined.
For example, a functioning complaints system should publish accessible information about how members of the public can report misconduct. It should also maintain records of complaints received, investigations completed, cases referred for prosecution and disciplinary actions taken.
Such figures would help establish whether complaints are being handled promptly and whether the system is delivering meaningful outcomes.
Transparency is particularly important when allegations involve officers with significant authority over detainees or members of the public.
If a complaint is rejected, the complainant should have access to a fair process for challenging the decision. If evidence supports disciplinary or criminal proceedings, the case should progress without being undermined by an officer’s position within the institution.
Effective accountability also requires the police to cooperate with independent investigations and preserve evidence.
These are not merely administrative requirements. They influence whether people believe that reporting abuse is worthwhile and whether the institution can correct misconduct before it becomes a wider crisis.
The Continuing Reports of Police Abuses
The most difficult question for those assessing police reform is whether the public’s experience has changed sufficiently to show that abuse is being prevented and addressed.
Recent reports indicate that serious concerns persist.
In February 2026, Amnesty International published an investigation into the Anti-Kidnapping Unit of the Imo State Police Command, known as Tiger Base, in Owerri.
The organisation documented allegations of prolonged arbitrary detention, torture, extortion, enforced disappearances and degrading detention conditions. It reported that some detainees suffered severe health consequences and that certain cases involved deaths in custody.
These are serious allegations concerning a particular police unit; they should not be interpreted as proof that every police officer or every police formation engages in the reported conduct.
Amnesty said it had written to the police about the findings. According to the organisation, the police acknowledged its findings in February 2026 and said the Inspector-General of Police had directed a comprehensive audit of the unit. Amnesty reported that the result of the audit had not been provided to it when the report was published.
The response presents an opportunity to assess accountability in practice.
A comprehensive audit could help determine whether the allegations were substantiated, identify any officers who violated the law and establish whether changes are required in the unit’s operations.
However, for the public to assess the outcome, the authorities must communicate what was investigated, what was established and what action followed, while protecting legitimate investigative and privacy requirements.
An audit that produces no visible institutional response will do little to resolve public concerns. Conversely, an investigation that establishes the facts and leads to appropriate action could help demonstrate that official oversight mechanisms are capable of correcting misconduct.
The wider lesson is that complaints about police behaviour should be resolved through credible investigations, not left indefinitely in the public domain.
The Test of Protest Policing
How security agencies respond to peaceful demonstrations remains another important measure of reform.
The right to protest is connected to freedom of expression, assembly and association. Citizens must be able to raise concerns about government policy, economic hardship and public institutions without being subjected to unlawful violence.
Police officers nevertheless have legitimate responsibilities to protect public safety, prevent violence and respond to criminal conduct. The challenge is to carry out those responsibilities in a manner that complies with the law and distinguishes peaceful demonstrators from individuals involved in violence.
The #EndSARS protests made that challenge particularly visible.
Amnesty International’s October 2021 account of the demonstrations documented deaths and injuries associated with the security forces’ response, including at Lekki and Alausa. The Lagos judicial panel subsequently made recommendations concerning security agencies’ handling of demonstrations, the use of force, crime-scene preservation and disciplinary transparency.
The concerns did not end with the #EndSARS movement.
During the August 2024 #EndBadGovernance protests, Amnesty International documented the deaths of at least 24 people whom it said were killed by police across Kano, Jigawa, Katsina, Borno, Niger and Kaduna states.
In August 2025, the organisation said victims of police violence during those protests had yet to obtain justice. These findings concern a different protest movement and cannot be treated as a direct measurement of all police conduct since 2020. They nevertheless raise continuing questions about how officers use force during public demonstrations and how alleged abuses are investigated.
Meaningful progress would include clear guidance on the use of force, effective training, protection of medical assistance, identification of officers involved in serious incidents and prompt independent investigations when people are injured or killed.
It would also require transparency about the outcome of investigations.
The ability to manage demonstrations lawfully is an important test of whether the police regard citizens as people whose rights must be protected, even when they disagree with the government or challenge the conduct of public officials.
The Victims Are Still Part of the Reform Debate
Police reform cannot be separated from the question of justice for people affected by the abuses that prompted #EndSARS.
In Lagos, the judicial panel investigated complaints about police brutality and the Lekki Toll Gate shooting. It made findings and recommendations, including compensation for victims and sanctions against implicated officers.
However, the Lagos State Government’s December 2021 White Paper rejected key findings relating to deaths at the toll gate. That disagreement complicated efforts to establish a shared official account of the incident and to determine how the recommendations should be implemented.
The compensation question also remains relevant.
Al Jazeera reported in October 2025 that Lagos State had paid at least ₦410 million in compensation to 70 victims and relatives following the panel’s work. That represents a measurable form of restitution, but it does not establish that every affected person received compensation or that criminal accountability was achieved.
Compensation provides financial relief, but it cannot substitute for the prosecution of an officer where criminal responsibility is established. Nor can a prosecution, by itself, resolve every medical, financial and emotional consequence suffered by a victim.
A complete approach to reform therefore requires several related measures: fair compensation for eligible victims, appropriate criminal investigations, transparent disciplinary procedures, acknowledgement of established violations and safeguards to prevent recurrence.
These responsibilities are shared across different institutions. The police, military where relevant, state governments, Federal Government, prosecutors and courts each have roles to play within their respective legal authority.
Reform will remain incomplete if victims are required to carry the burden of repeatedly seeking answers without clear information about the progress of their cases.
State Police: An Opportunity That Requires Safeguards
One of the most significant developments in Nigeria’s policing debate in 2026 is the proposed establishment of state police.
The proposal seeks to allow states to establish their own police services alongside federal policing arrangements. Supporters argue that decentralisation could bring policing closer to local communities and improve responses to security challenges.
However, state police is not yet law. After the Senate and House of Representatives passed the constitutional amendment proposal, the National Assembly transmitted the bill to the 36 state Houses of Assembly for consideration in September 2026.
As of October 15, five state assemblies—Edo, Osun, Oyo, Rivers and Zamfara—had approved the proposal, according to reporting by Nigerian media. At least 24 state assemblies must approve a constitutional amendment before it can proceed to the next stage.
The proposal creates an opportunity to reconsider how policing is organised, but a change in administrative structure does not automatically guarantee better accountability.
A decentralised system would still need clear legal limits, professional recruitment, adequate training, independent oversight and safeguards against political interference.
There would also need to be transparent procedures for receiving complaints, investigating allegations of abuse and sanctioning officers who violate the law.
Without such protections, a state police service could face many of the same accountability problems associated with a centralised service. It could also raise additional concerns if state officials exercised their authority to intimidate political opponents or restrict peaceful opposition.
These are risks that require consideration during the constitutional and legislative process, rather than after a new structure has been established.
The central question should be whether any proposed policing arrangement gives citizens stronger protection and more effective access to justice.
Whether authority is exercised at the federal or state level, officers must remain accountable under the law.
Police Welfare and Public Trust
A discussion of police reform should also consider the conditions under which officers work.
CLEEN Foundation has identified poor police welfare and inadequate funding among the challenges affecting reform. These issues matter because officers require appropriate training, equipment, transport, accommodation and institutional support to perform their duties effectively.
Improving welfare does not excuse misconduct. Officers must remain responsible for their actions regardless of their working conditions.
However, a reform programme that emphasises discipline without addressing operational needs may struggle to deliver sustained improvements.
Police personnel need the resources to investigate crimes properly, respond to emergencies and work safely. They also require training in lawful arrest, detention, evidence handling, human rights and the management of public demonstrations.
At the same time, the public must have confidence that improved funding and equipment will be accompanied by stronger oversight.
A police service should be able to demonstrate that resources are being used to improve service delivery, not simply to expand institutional capacity without corresponding accountability.
Public trust is built when citizens see officers responding professionally to complaints, protecting people regardless of status and acting within clear legal boundaries.
It is weakened when allegations of misconduct go unanswered or when the outcomes of disciplinary procedures remain hidden.
What Should Nigerians Look for Now?
Six years after #EndSARS, the question of progress should be assessed through results that can be independently verified.
One important measure is the handling of complaints against police officers. Nigerians should be able to know how to report misconduct, how cases are investigated and whether complainants can obtain redress.
Another is transparency. The police and relevant oversight bodies should publish regular information on complaints, disciplinary outcomes, deaths in custody and investigations into serious allegations, subject to lawful protections for personal information and ongoing proceedings.
The third is criminal accountability. Where credible evidence supports allegations of unlawful killing, torture or other serious offences, investigations should be prompt and independent, with prosecution where warranted and fair trials for accused persons.
The fourth is the management of peaceful protests. Security agencies should demonstrate that they can protect public order without unlawfully suppressing citizens’ rights.
A fifth measure is implementation of existing laws and regulations. The Police Act and the amended Police Regulations provide a framework, but their practical effect should be assessed through training, supervision, complaint handling and documented changes in police conduct.
Finally, governments should account publicly for the recommendations of judicial panels and the compensation owed to eligible victims.
These measures would not eliminate every challenge faced by the police. They would, however, help the public determine whether reform commitments are becoming measurable improvements.
Six Years Later: What Has Really Changed?
The record since October 2020 contains several developments. SARS was formally disbanded. Police legislation and operational regulations provide a framework for professional conduct and accountability. Judicial panels investigated abuses and recommended remedies. Some victims received compensation, while the debate about the future structure of policing has advanced to a constitutional amendment process.
At the same time, human rights organisations continue to report serious allegations of police abuse, concerns about weak oversight and gaps in the implementation of recommendations.
These developments suggest that the most useful assessment is not simply that nothing has changed, nor that the adoption of new policies means the problem has been solved.
Changes in laws, regulations and institutional arrangements are important, but they are only part of the work. Their value ultimately depends on whether they prevent abuse, improve police conduct, secure justice for victims and build public confidence.
The challenge now is to turn existing commitments into consistent practice.
That requires governments and police leadership to implement the rules, independent bodies to investigate misconduct, prosecutors to pursue supported cases and courts to determine criminal responsibility fairly. It also requires citizens and journalists to monitor progress and ask for evidence when institutions claim that reforms are working.
The lessons of #EndSARS extend beyond the disbandment of a single police unit. They concern the kind of relationship Nigerians should be able to expect between the people and those authorised to enforce the law.
Six years later, the most important measure of police reform will not be how many policies have been announced, but whether Nigerians can see and experience a police service that protects their rights, answers for its actions and treats every citizen with dignity.
